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Nuclear disarmament in crisis
- a possible way out.
Dominique Lalanne,
Directeur de Recherche, CNRS, France
&
Peter Nicholls, Professor of Biological Sciences, University of Essex, UK
After the failure of the
last NPT Review Conference, in May 2005, it is clearer than ever that, if
nothing more happens, no nuclear disarmament process is possible in the
foreseeable future. This is for mainly two reasons:
1-
the rule of unanimity in bodies where these issues are under discussion
(e.g. the NPT Review Conference and the Conference on Disarmament); and,
2-
the hypocritical
unwillingness of the recognised Nuclear States to reach the goal in NPT Article
VI of the “total elimination of nuclear weapons”.
The deadlock is largely
created by the US, the only military hyperpower, whose position could really not
be changed without huge international pressure. But nuclear disarmament is
similar to many other fields where the US does not comply with all its
international obligations. So the question can be posed in a different manner:
what are the possible ways to increase pressure on the US ?
1-
New frameworks and real breakthroughs.
In recent years, a new approach has been found to
be successful for the entry into force of new international laws. Three typical
examples are: the Kyoto process, the ICC, and the Ottawa Treaty. The reasons for
success are:
1-
the body involved gathers together only willing States, so that the world
unanimity rule is not required for making a decision;
2-
all States are not required to participate in this new body, but only a
minimum number corresponding to an effective “majority”; and,
3-
the new statements issued by the agreeing participants are seen by the
international community as creating a new international law.
In all these processes, the role of NGOs working closely with the States
and providing inputs and links with the public opinion has to be noted.
In the framework of the Abolition 2000 Network,
many European NGOs are increasingly convinced of the possibility of a similar
process for nuclear disarmament.
2-
Which states could be the willing ones for a successful process?
In the past, many States with
nuclear programmes or ‘legacy’ programmes have renounced nuclear weapons
(Argentina, Brazil, Libya, South Africa, the Ukraine, etc.) in accordance with
the ideal of the NPT Treaty (no nuclear weapons for non-nuclear weapons states (NNWS)
on the one side, and elimination of nuclear weapons by the nuclear weapons
states (NWS) on the other side). But this has been without any disarmament
consequences for the NWS. Most other States with a capability for making nuclear
weapons have also decided against military programmes, with few exceptions. But
in this case also no decision to pursue nuclear disarmament has been taken in
return by the NWS. So it is now simple to draw the conclusion that no such State
intends individually to make the goal of nuclear disarmament a real one.
The situation might be
different were a group of states to be involved. Such a group must of course
include some recognised NWS, and preferably a “majority” of such states. As
they participated in the Kyoto process, the three relevant candidate states can
only be France, the UK and Russia. But more States would need to take part
because of the EU membership of two of these nuclear three and the assigned NATO
nuclear weaponry in other EU States. EU involvement would give more weight to
such a Kyoto-like process and hence greater likelihood that it could reach the
level of a real new international law.
3-
Practical steps.
A beginning must be clearly
seen to represent the decision of the international community. The simplest way
could be to establish a negotiating forum within the First Committee of the UN
General Assembly to enable willing nations, not bound by the consensus
procedure, to begin negotiations on a treaty to control and eventually eliminate
nuclear weapons. Participation in such negotiations should be open to both NPT-compliant
and non-compliant nations. Practical steps have been listed in the outcome
statement of the 2000 NPT Review Conference, especially the so-called
“thirteen steps”, and more can be added. A start could be made within Europe
to negotiate the elimination of tactical nuclear weapons, including French air
launched weapons, Russian tactical weapons and NATO tactical weapons. The great
significance of such a framework would be to give to each disarmament step a
potential value as part of an international process, which is not the case at
present, any related action being seen merely as a good will gesture by the
State concerned.
4-
Multilateralism or unilateralism?
The world faces a challenge with respect to the
establishment of global policy. Does unilateralism prevail, meaning compliance
of each and all with US policies? Or can there be effective multilateralism, as
proposed within and by the EU in recent crises? It may be unclear to some
States, including France and the UK, as to whether they can assume a leadership
role in a nuclear disarmament process. And these states too may harbour
hypocrisy on the subject, nuclear disarmament not being their goal. For the
French government, for example, nuclear weapons are the ultimate weapon to
guarantee “vital interests”; if such nuclear deterrence is needed any talk
of elimination is nonsense. For the UK government, changing national nuclear
weapons policy would demand a difficult change in the Atlantic “special
relationship”. So even were most of the EU States ready to push for nuclear
disarmament, France and the UK would probably work to preserve the status quo,
with only the matter of counter-proliferation allowed on the table. But the way
out we describe still exists as a possible start, even with unchanged current US
policy, and even with the known French and British government positions. What is
missing is the political will of the EU as a whole and some of its member
States, including even some of those with NNWS status. NGOs need to work
together to create that presently missing political will.
5-Actors
for a change in Europe
We have noted the deliberations of the European
Parliament, both in February 2004 and in March 2005, supporting the proposal of
the Mayor of Hiroshima Tadatoshi Akiba for a total elimination of nuclear
weapons by 2020. After the failure of the NPT Review Conference in May 2005 and
the lack of momentum of the Millenium + 5 Conference at the UN in September
2005, Mayors for Peace have now suggested a new body with "willing
States" to build a real programme towards nuclear disarmament. Mayors are a
key group of actors for changing public opinion and individual MPs are also well
placed to influence each country’s policy. Important steps have begun in
Belgium at the Senate and the Chamber levels with deliberations on disarmament
and requests for the removal of NATO weapons from Belgium. But this is still far
from representing firm political will for a genuine Kyoto-type process. In the
past substantial lobbying has been carried out by many segments of society but
without real success. This is because bodies at the State level, legally capable
of making such a decision, are in fact unwilling or even practically unable to
do so, because the “military-industrial complex” carries the decisive weight
for continuing nuclear weapons and related developments. The only alternative is
at the democratic level just below that of national government, comprising
individual MPs, mayors and other local representatives. This is the new and
politically interesting approach, for which we thank Tadatoshi Akiba who has
shown us the way.
Originally contributed to:
XIth International Castiglionecello Conference 2005
USPID – Unione Scienziati Per Il
Disarmo
“The Non Proliferation Treaty : 60 years after Hiroshima and Nagasaki”
- September 23rd –25th, 2005
- Pasquini Castle, Castiglionecello
(Livorno, Italy)
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